Lecture by H.E. Dara Murphy
. Minister for European Affairs of Ireland, presented in the Polish Institute of International Affairs, Warsaw, 28 September 2016.
Here are some not authorized fragments.
Brexit.
We were very disappointed to the result of the referendum. We did not engage in the Scottish referendum because it was a matter of the UK. But in this referendum we did engage. Our prime minister visited the UK, other ministers visited, I visited, we engaged in the Irish community in the UK and also in the business community in the UK. And we made some points that still remain for us important – the UE is unity to the benefit to all of us. But closer to home the UK and Irish relations flourished because of the membership in the EU. We both joined in 1973, along with Denmark. Irish and the UK for the first time became independent members of community of nations. And I think that former Soviet block member’s states, such like you; understand that liberation and freedom are so important to the nation. But despite of the difficulties that we had have with the UK we have also had very strong social ties, very large numbers of Irish live in the UK, the two lagers blocs of Europeans living in the UK are of course Irish and Polish people.
We have strong bilateral issues. The fact that only land border that the UE will have with the UE will be on the island of Ireland, and the fact that the common travel area between both parts of Ireland, and between the Ireland and the UK, have been existed long before our independence in the twenties shows that will be special issues that need be to be addressed. And more crucial of those is that will be the backward step with regard to the very delicate, dynamic peace process which out flourished. We will only negotiate within founding 27 member states of the EU. We will be not seeking to engage in any bilateral way, the course of negotiations is absolutely vital. It is vital for all members’ states, I think that is a point that we are very keen to reinforce. We have put intensive planning in place, before the referendum and we had a department at the office of the Prime Minister looking the potential impacts of the Brexit. But now, we remain in the vacuum until we have the position from the UK.
We certainly were one of the member’s states immediately aftermath the decision that agreed that the UK should put its own home in order, to elect its new leader, to work out its positions. We certainly encouraging them to work in two areas – one concerning leaving of the EU, and second what will decide the new relations between the UK and the UE. And again we are fundamentally committed to the principal of free movement of people, and to the equal treatment of workers across all member states, and this massage has to deliver in a unified way to the UK.
We, like Poland, were the very loud voices in the discussion within the EU. It was of course very sensitive issue. 52 proc. of the population only voted to leave, it was a narrow margin. In respect to Northern Ireland 56 proc. of the population voted to remain in the EU. Because of the Friday Agreement, because of the power shearing arrangement that we have we will take into account the fears of the very large number of people in the Northern Ireland who are our citizens. The Friday Agreement of 1998 is fundamentally the peace agreement between Ireland and the UK in which both, the Irish government and the British government agreed that the principles and the institution of the international agreement would be fully respected and protected. When the UK leaves the EU the Northern Ireland will be the only region in the UK witch will share that land border. We have concerns equally about the founding of the peace process itself which is supported by the EU, but I think that can be accommodated, and the peace programs.
From the peace programs in existence have significantly benefited both communities, which links faster communication and reconciliation. And of course the human reality is that tens of thousand of people live on both sides of this boarder. And this is of course an issue important in Northern Ireland, but is also effects many member states of the EU.
On the economic issues I have to say that economic model at home has changed significantly and the dependence on the UK continue to be reduce. In fact in a year or two our biggest trade partner probably will change from the UK to the USA. But it is a major challenge for hundred thousand jobs supported by the trade in that process at the Irish See. Particularly sensitive will be now food, and export that we have in the UK market. These are concerns of all member states, but we will be perhaps more affected than others.
There is no doubt that on many issues during my times as a minister we shared positions with the UK, we agreed with them with a vast majority of issues – trade, competivness, justice. etc. Discussion concerning the EU itself was very limited and I do not think that ultimately proper deliberation was the outcome of their decision. We must respect the decision which they have taken. Father and deeper integration of the EU may certainly not be the cause but not necessarily the consequence of the UK referendum. Many of the voices continue to be discussed- subsidiarity could get more focus now, or the role of national parliament. The expansion of the EU is the great success and I think we must continue to be expansionists.
The question of the EU reform.
There are politicians or policy makers in the world who would say – yes, we support reforms. The second question is – which reforms do you support? In Irish point of view we need to take time to deliver what we already agreed. When this Pandora box is opened you will star seeing 28 countries saying what we should reform, haw we should reform, some of then will say – more Europe, some – less Europe, etc. At this time, as we face existential challenges, with regard to migration, with regard to Brexit, economical issues, and then external challenges coming from Russia, Ukraine. Our position is that future of Europe can best be delivered by not substantially engaging in solving the institutional questions at this time.
Common security and defense policy
I know that this is of particular interest here. Ireland is a neutral country and fact one of the outcomes of the Lisbon Treaty process is that it respects our neutrality. We do have very strong Trans Atlantic relations but we are not member of NATO. We strongly support cooperation between the UE and NATO. We want to acknowledge that are separate bodies of course, but we are in a unique position given our neutrality. The neutrality which is bound within our constitution, and which can only be change by referendum, not only by political class.
